Nordic Food Markets - Executive Summary and Conclusions
Face - Contents - Bottom - Previous/Next "Nordic Food Markets" Executive Summary and ConclusionsThe Working Group has examined the food markets in the Nordic region. The background is that for some years Nordic food prices have been higher than the European average (EU15, High prices in a country means that consumers pay more for goods and services compared to other countries. This can be due to lower productivity or because the costs, such as wage level or profits are higher than elsewhere. A more restricted number of food products compared to other countries imply that consumers have less choice, that the producers' products are less likely to reach supermarket shelves, and that markets tend to be less dynamic. On that account, there have been good reasons for a closer look at how competition works in the Nordic food industry and the retail sector and at the state of market integration in the Nordic region. Nordic food prices According to Eurostat figures for 2004, the average prices paid by consumers for food and beverages (soft drinks and beer) bought in supermarkets in the Nordic region were between 12 per cent and 46 per cent higher than the European average, cf. fig. 1. Figure 1. Gross food and beverages prices, 2004
Source: Eurostat and the Working Group's own calculations Note *: Beverages, i.e. soft drinks and beer For food and beverages exclusive alcoholic beverages the price gap is smaller, between 12 per cent and 42 per cent. In Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden the sales of alcoholic beverages in the supermarkets only contains beer up to 2.25 per cent alc. (Iceland), 3.5 per cent alc. (Sweden), 4.5 per cent alc. (Norway) and 4.7 per cent alc. (Finland). In these countries, the sales of alcoholic beverages are restricted, and prices on alcoholic beverages are therefore not the result of the competitive process in the food sector. One reason for the price gap between the Nordic countries and the European average is differences in the level of taxes on the production and sale of food. VAT and excise duties on food products (for example beverages) are higher in the Nordic countries, especially in Denmark and Finland, than in the other countries in the EU. Another factor to be taken into consideration is campaigns with temporary price cuts. Short-term price campaigns are used more extensively by supermarkets in the Nordic countries, and especially in Denmark than in for example Germany and France. Short-term price cuts (a week or less) are generally not fully included in Eurostat's collection of prices. If VAT, taxes and price campaigns1 are deducted from the consumer prices in fig. 1, the net price differences on food and beverages are reduced to 6-12 per cent (7-11 per cent exclusive alcoholic beverages) between Denmark, Finland and Sweden (2004) and the EU15 average. Average prices in Norway and Iceland are still 38-41 per cent (34-36 per cent exclusive alcoholic beverages) higher than the European average, cf. fig. 2. There are no comparable databases of prices in Greenland or the Faroe Islands. Figure 2. Net food and beverages prices (excl. taxes), 2004
Source: Eurostat and the Working Group's own calculations Note *: Beverages, i.e. soft drinks and beer Norway and Iceland are not members of the EU and maintain tariffs and tariff-free quotas on the import of agricultural products that are also produced domestically2. The systems are not identical, but their effect in practice is much the same, i.e. to keep imports low in order to ensure the sale of domestic production of agricultural products which are considered of strategic importance, for example meat and milk3. This regulation seems to be a main reason why the food price levels in these two countries are much higher than in the rest of the Nordic region and in Europe. However, food and beverages (non-alcoholic) prices in the Nordic region have increased at a slower rate than in EU154 in the past years, cf. fig. 3. From 1999 to 2004 food prices in the Nordic markets increased by 9 per cent points, compared to an increase of 12 per cent points in EU15. Thus, the gap between the food prices in the Nordic countries and the rest of Europe has been reduced. This may indicate that competition in the food markets has improved. Figure 3. European and Nordic food and beverages (non-alcoholic) price development
Source: Eurostat Food assortment A diverse food assortment is important to consumers and a wide range of different products in grocery stores makes it easier for new and small producers to gain access to supermarket shelves. Therefore, a wide selection may make markets more dynamic and give the consumers better opportunities for trying new products.5 There hardly exist any comprehensive studies comparing the food assortments in supermarkets across the EU. The only exception known to the Working Group is a study by the Federation of Norwegian Agricultural Cooperation in 2005. The Working Group has therefore initiated an investigation of the ranges of food products in a sample of supermarkets in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and France6. This investigation shows significant differences; consumers in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden have a much narrower choice of food than consumers in France, cf. fig. 4. Figure 4. Number of food items in an artificial average supermarket, 2005
Source: Hornstrup and Hornstrup, 2005 Figure 4 compares the product ranges in “an artificial average supermarket”7 in each of the countries within 4 important product groups: dairy products, beverages8, meat and cold cuts. The results within each of these product groups differ somewhat, but overall the investigation shows a wider selection of products in France than in any of the Nordic countries. Two explanations are likely for these differences. First, the retail structure is different in France than in the Nordic countries. Since larger stores have more products the differences are, in part, explained by differences in retail structure. Second, the evidence suggests that a food store in France in general has more choice to offer consumers compared to a similar food store in any of the Nordic countries. The investigation on the range of food products is based on a limited sample of supermarkets and the results are thus somewhat uncertain. However, the investigation indicates that Iceland and Norway seem to have, in addition with comparably high price levels, a narrower assortment of food compared to France. The same holds for the Nordic EU members Denmark, Finland and Sweden although the differences are smaller. The results regarding assortment from a recent Norwegian study9 show a somewhat different picture. The retail sector During the past 10-20 years the supermarket sector10 has expanded and integrated horizontally and vertically. Today, supermarkets account for 80-90 per cent of retail sales of food in all the Nordic countries and the EU. At the same time the shops have grown - the total shop space within the supermarket sector has increased in all the Nordic countries between 1995 and 2003, most in Finland (20 per cent) and least in Norway (4 per cent). Each of the Nordic countries has more shops per 10,000 inhabitants than, for example, Germany, the UK or the Netherlands. At the same time the population density (cap/km²) is sparse compared to the other European countries, except in Denmark, but as most households live in urban areas where supermarkets are located, this does not change the fact that most Nordic consumers have, in international comparison, good access to retail stops. Today, nearly all supermarkets are organised in different chains or groups where all the stores in the same chain appear alike. Customers can to a high degree find similar ranges of products in all shops belonging to the same chain and at the same (maximum) prices. However, within some chains the range of products can - to a limited degree – fluctuate from shop to shop, e.g. with products from local suppliers. Each chain tries to build up a special profile, distinct from the competitors. Some chains are local or regional, but most chains are nationwide and cover all parts of a country and some have entered neighbouring countries. Within the supermarket sector especially the discount supermarkets have expanded and increased their market shares. The success of the discount markets is due to their policy of low prices. Their product range is limited. Some of them offer as little as 600-1500 different grocery items, most of which is food and many articles are branded with the chain's own label. In 2003 discount markets had reached a market share of 38 per cent and 51 per cent in Iceland and Norway, respectively, cf. table 1. In Sweden and Finland their market shares were considerably lower, 14 per cent and 12 per cent, respectively, but they were growing fast. Among the discount markets, the international chains, such as Aldi and Lidl, are often characterised as hard discounters due to their concept of small assortment, extremely low costs and limited services, and therefore low prices. In 2003 there were no hard discounters in Norway and Iceland. Aldi entered the Danish market in 1977, and since 2002 Lidl has opened a number of shops in Finland, Sweden, Norway (2004) and Denmark (2005). Table 1. Market shares of discount supermarkets (2003) and hypermarkets in the Nordic countries (2002) 1 Source: Chapter 4 While the Nordic countries are well represented in international comparisons as far as the total number of discounters is concerned, they still lag behind other European countries as regards hard discounters. In Germany, hard discounters account for 26 per cent of the market, in Belgium 14 per cent, 10 per cent in the Netherlands and France.
There are also significant differences in the market shares of hypermarkets11. They try to gain market shares by selling a large selection of attractive products including non-food and by offering occasional price cuts on a small range of products. The share of turnover of hypermarkets in Iceland and Norway is 2-5 per cent (2002) and 20-30 per cent in Sweden and Finland. France has one of the largest hypermarket sectors in Europe accounting for approximately 50 per cent12. The increasing number of discount markets and hypermarkets is part of the ongoing restructuring and consolidation of the grocery trade in all countries. As a result marketing chains have grown larger and larger; some have reached 300-400 shops covering a whole country. Moreover, the retail chains have concentrated their purchasing within a few organisations, often covering several chains. Today, 4-6 organisations negotiate agreements with the suppliers and make decisions on what to buy and what to put on the shelves in the supermarkets of the different chains in each of the Nordic countries. In order to achieve further volume and advantages in negotiations, some of the Nordic purchasing organisations are also part of international buying groups or organisations (for example Spar or Lidl). Thus, today the concentration is stronger in the Nordic retail sector than in other European countries, cf. table 2. This concentration has significantly strengthened the purchasing groups' bargaining position vis-à-vis the suppliers, leading to lower purchasing prices. Moreover, the internationalisation of retailers has led to better knowledge of foreign markets and improved possibilities for exploiting differences in national price levels and for introducing new food products at home. The rationalisation and concentration have properly increased efficiency within retail groups. Wage costs in the Nordic countries are higher than the European average, and wages account for a significant share of total retailing costs.13 However, the supermarket chains that have expanded the most, especially the hard discounters, have significantly lower wage costs than the traditional retailers. The increasing market shares of the hard discounters are a manifestation of enhanced competition on the Nordic food markets which probably have contributed – and will contribute - to a narrowing of the difference between the Nordic price level and the European average in the near future. This process has also contributed to make the selection of food in each chain concept more uniform than before14. Discount markets offer low prices and limited choice, supplemented by a growing share of non-food products, often on sale only for a limited period of time. The wide selection of food products is found in hypermarkets and supermarkets. The existence of different kinds of shops – to some degree - provide consumers with as well low prices as a rich supply of different food products. Fewer competing chains normally mean weak competition unless markets are open without barriers to entry for new retailers, new shop concepts, etc.15 Thus, the opportunities of chains with different ideas for entering the market are important. Entry of new chains requires access to suitable sites for new supermarkets, and access to supplies. New supermarkets can either be supplied from one of the existing wholesalers which runs a number of warehouses and distributions networks or they must be able to set up their own supply system with their own warehouses and logistics. As the number of wholesalers is declining, the latter approach is becoming more important. From the outset entrants are required to have the capacities to build up a whole network of stores, warehouses and their own logistics. Also, all supermarkets belonging to the same marketing chain offer nearly the same range of products. This might be reinforced if the different chains buy from the same group of suppliers. As the supply side of the Nordic food sector is very concentrated, this is a likely to happen. On the other hand, retailers' use of own (private) labels is on the increase16. However, the market shares of private labels in the Nordic countries are still low compared to, for example, Germany, France or the UK. Private labels can be regarded as an alternative to the manufacturers' own brands. Private labels are only profitable given large enough volumes. The international discount chains Aldi and Lidl have a very high share of private labels on their shelves and the increased use in the Nordic countries is partly attributable to the progress of these chains – although also other supermarket chains are making increased use of private labels, for example Coop. Products with private labels do frequently replace manufacturers' brands. However, it is not clear whether overall choice for consumers is affected negatively. Private labels are typically cheaper than the manufacturers' brands. At the same time it is more difficult for consumers to compare the prices of private labels than the prices of manufacturers' own brands bearing in mind that private labels are only found in one chain. Greater transparency and thus improved opportunities for making comparisons can be achieved through consumer information about e.g. unit prices. Food industry On average the food industry (excl. agriculture) accounts for 14 per cent of total industry output in EU25. In Norway, Iceland and Denmark the share is significantly higher, 24-53 per cent17 of industry output, whereas it is somewhat lower in Sweden and Finland, 8-10 per cent. Like the retail companies, the food industry has been through a period of consolidation and rationalisation. In order to achieve volume and reach large-scale efficiencies food companies have expanded their production facilities and entered into new alliances or merged18. Thus, concentration on all the Nordic markets in the food and beverages industry has increased. Calculated on a national basis, today the leading supplier on all the main product markets holds a market share (CR1) of 50 per cent or more with a few exceptions. Concentration on the Nordic food markets is thus significantly higher than in Germany and the UK, for example, cf. table 219. Table 2. Concentration in selected food industries and in retailing 2002/03
Source: The Nordic Competition Authorities Competition for shelf space The increased concentration on both the supply and the retail side has had an impact on competition. It has made it possible to obtain large-scale efficiencies at each stage of the supply chain while at the same time changing the conditions for getting access to the supermarket shelves. Especially, the growing power of the large retail groups has influenced bargaining between producers and retailers. The supermarkets try to exploit their power to their advantage. The Working Group has found20 that this leads to lower prices from the suppliers, support for marketing, allowances to cover costs in the shop, better quality and service, joint marketing, slotting allowances, etc. In this bargaining process minor suppliers may be at a disadvantage compared to large producers with market power. Retailers put pressure on suppliers for lower purchasing prices. They also try to utilise the knowledge they obtain from consumers' purchasing habits through a systematic mapping of sales. This means that the impact of marketing plays an increasing role in the negotiations with suppliers. As a consequence, negotiations become more complex and include new areas like joint marketing, payment for access to the shelves etc. Suppliers must be willing and able to participate in in-store activities. This may prove difficult for minor suppliers. They can participate in the retailers' call for tenders for the production of for example private labels and they can submit tenders on equal terms with the large suppliers. Competition in such tenders may be fierce, and winning a contract provides no guarantee of continued presence on the market. An extensive use of calls for tenders by retailers may favour larger suppliers. On the other side, tenders may give small producers opportunity to get a foothold in the market. There are examples where such contracts last for more than five years. Market integration Historically food markets have been national, or even local, owing to among other things transportation costs, tariffs, consumer preferences for national products, different national regulations related to health and food safety issues etc. Some of these barriers to entry have been reduced or even eliminated. The progressing implementation of EU's Single Market and modern logistics have facilitated import from EU/EEA countries, and from visits abroad consumers have become more familiar with foreign food. It has become easier for the grocery sector's purchasing managers to find a competitive supplier abroad. Transport costs are important in regard to products of large volume and with low value per volume, but for more expensive products the large-scale economies in production can make transport of large volumes over long distances profitable. Long distances are for example no serious trade barrier in regard to cheese while it may be a serious disadvantage with regard to fresh milk. For a long time the food industry's volume of exports in Denmark, Finland and Sweden has been considerable. At the same time the position of companies on the home market has been challenged by competitors from abroad which have lower costs, including lower wage costs. In order to stay in business, they have been forced to rationalise their production or reorganise. In the same manner as retailers have introduced new structures with low costs, suppliers have also changed their organisation by outsourcing parts of the production process, moving into new niches with better opportunities, or merging. Since 1999 imports into the Nordic countries have increased considerably. Over 4 years (1999-2003) food imports into the Nordic countries grew by more than 20 per cent, and food trade between the 3 EU members (Denmark, Finland and Sweden) increased considerably more, corresponding to 43 per cent. This indicates that Nordic suppliers have experienced increased competition from abroad, to the benefit of consumers. Nevertheless, food imports, notably of beer, soft drinks, fresh milk and bread, remain at a modest level compared to consumption. This area, too, has seen some increase in trade across borders. Retailers in Denmark and Sweden have, for example, started to import milk from Germany. However, although markets have become more integrated and cross-border barriers have been reduced, overall the food markets in the Nordic countries remain national with respect to the way in which they operate. Consumers traditionally prefer food from their own country. This is not only so in the Nordic countries but throughout most of the EU. Although consumers are prepared to try new products, habits only change slowly. Therefore, most of the food found in supermarkets today is still of national origin. Less than 5 per cent of the branded packages of food are found on the shelves of supermarkets in all the Nordic countries21. Retailers that operate the same shop types in more than one of the Nordic countries, such as Coop Norden, Rema1000 and Netto, offer different food assortments in each country; only 10-20 per cent of the products in the shops are the same. Retail marketing, too, is organised nationally. Marketing both creates and reflects consumer preferences which are clearly national. Moreover, there are differences due to national regulations of, for example, opening hours, advertising, sale of alcoholic products, location of shops, etc. The national character of marketing is illustrated by the fact that all chains, even international chains such as Aldi, Lidl, Netto and Rema1000, plan their food marketing on a national scale. An increasing number of consumers take an interest in food which is produced and marketed in accordance with certain ethical values, for example animal welfare or organic farming. Such special products are more expensive to produce and can have difficulties in getting established in the market and reaching a wider circle of consumers, including consumers in other countries. Public regulation of the food trade has been increasing as the interest in food safety and health has grown. Such regulations influence trade significantly as they may lead to extra costs for companies which plan to export or import products from abroad. Historically, such regulation and supervision have been national affairs, but the WTO and the European Commission have taken a number of initiatives in order to ensure that they do not constitute unnecessary trade barriers. The implementation of EU's Single Market has been going on for some time, and inside the EU/EEA many national systems for food safety have today been harmonised, although all the new regulations have not been fully implemented in practice (for instance regulations on additives and zoonosis). Moreover, negotiations are ongoing to establish common rules on the use of pesticides which is an important remaining unregulated area in the EU. The Danish Veterinary and Food Administration estimates that 95 per cent of food regulations within the EU/EEA will have been harmonised when negotiations on the use of pesticides are closed. A major exception to the harmonised rules is the safeguards against salmonella which are different in the Nordic countries. The reason is that Sweden, Finland and Norway have little or no salmonella, whereas other European countries has a considerable salmonella problem. When the problems with salmonella infections in pig meat, poultry and eggs started to increase, the countries with little or no salmonella tried to keep their country clean and set up heavy control regulation on import of meat, poultry and eggs. On their entry into the EU, Sweden and Finland negotiated their own rules on salmonella control. Norway subsequently obtained the same system as far as imports from EU countries are concerned. Thus, health considerations have resulted in an extra set of controls and made access to these markets more difficult for foreign exporters. Another example is the special Danish ban on certain additives (nitrate, nitrite and sulphite which in some countries are used in, for example, sausages and marmalade) which was accepted by the European Court of Justice. Such special national regulations may reduce imports and thereby affect the price levels. Even a total harmonisation of national regulations on food products approval, however, would not mean that the costs of public control of food products would be the same in all Nordic countries. There would still be national differences in for instance the number of veterinarians needed to ensure the necessary degree of food safety and in how they are paid. Such differences are important to the companies' cost level, but in a competitive environment they do not affect access to the market from other EU/EEA countries or the price level. Such costs of supervision and ensuring the required quality will be carried back to the producers and will not be borne by the consumers. Food safety, healthy food and food with low fat content create a demand for transparency and thereby good labelling. The same applies to food produced to meet certain standards of soft values e.g. concerning animal welfare, the origin of food and organic farming. Such labelling systems need to follow EU/EEA standards in order to ensure market integration. EU/EEA has introduced harmonised rules for displaying unit prices – for example prices per litre or kilo – of food. A rigorous enforcement of these rules may contribute to further increasing competition since it allows the consumer to compare the prices of different products in retailing shops. Much attention has been paid to regulating waste packing for beer and soft drinks. All Nordic countries have developed national systems to ensure a high level of recycling of beer/ soft drink cans and bottles for both refillable containers and non-refillable ones. These national systems are not harmonised, and this is a problem to market integration. The main problem is not with the breweries as long as they only have to register the packing with the national recycling company in one country and pay its fees. The problem to market integration rests with the recycling companies and with the consumers because of differences in clearing systems among countries. Conclusions International price comparisons are loaded with empirical difficulties. However, the Working Group concludes that the prices consumers in the Nordic countries pay for food and beverages are higher than the European average. One reason for this is a higher level of taxes (VAT and excise duties) on the production and sale of food and beverages (soft drinks and beer) than in the rest of the EU. But even without taxes food and beverages prices in Denmark, Finland and Sweden still remain 6-12 per cent (7-11 per cent exclusive alcoholic beverages) higher than EU15 (2004). Iceland and Norway are not members of the EU and maintain tariffs on their import of agricultural products. This seems to be a major reason why food and beverages prices in Iceland and Norway are much higher – 42-47 per cent (34-36 per cent exclusive alcoholic beverages). Nevertheless, the price gap between the Nordic countries and EU15 has narrowed in recent years. Since 1999 consumer prices in the Nordic countries have on the average grown 3 per cent less than EU15. The Working Group concludes this development is evidence of enhanced competition on Nordic food markets. Nevertheless, the remaining price level differences suggest that there is still considerable room for improvement. Next, the study conducted by the Working Group suggests that the assortments of food products available in supermarkets in the Nordic region are a great deal smaller than in the south of Europe (i.e. France in the present study). This is partly due to smaller average sizes of food stores in the Nordic countries and also that retail outlets of comparable size offer the consumers a more limited choice in the Nordic countries. A study initiated by the Norwegian Agricultural Cooperation from 2005 shows results which are somewhat different. Both studies are based on limited samples of supermarkets, 4 supermarkets in the Norwegian study and 36 in the study initiated by the Working Group. Higher prices may indicate that competition in the Nordic countries is less fierce than in the rest of the EU so that production, distribution and sale of food products in the Nordic countries demand more resources, higher wages or other costs, profits (or, most likely, a combination hereof). The smaller assortment of products means that consumers are offered less diversity and variety of food products and that there are fewer opportunities for suppliers to get their products on the shelves in the supermarkets. Several Nordic food companies do well on the international markets and have built up large export volumes. Part of this success has been achieved through locating the manufacturing of products where costs are low. In this way they have been able to compensate for the high cost level in the Nordic countries. One reason behind the high food prices and the narrower food supply seems to be the high concentration on both supply and retail level in the Nordic region. The market shares of the leading suppliers in some of the largest food categories are higher in the Nordic countries than in, for example, Germany, France or the UK. The strength of the suppliers has, however, to a large extent been counterbalanced by the growing power of the large retailing groups. Today, concentration at the retail level in the Nordic countries belongs to the top end compared to other European countries. Large companies on the supply side and among the retailers makes it possible to obtain low costs as they realise large-scale efficiencies. However, in order to ensure that such advantages benefit the consumers through lower prices and development of new products, it is essential to have a competitive environment. To achieve this, access to the market must be ensured at all levels, including access for new shops and new supermarket chains. The most successful chains in recent years have been discount markets and hypermarkets. The first have a profile of low prices, but a very limited food assortment. The latter try to attract customers through their large selection of products, incl. food, and price reductions on selected products. Thus, the Working Group concludes that the existence of different shop types may ensure low food prices as well as a wide and attractive range of products. Next, it is not possible to ensure access to the shop shelves for all producers of food products. However, the Working Group concludes that it is important to ensure that dominant suppliers and retailers do not restrict entry to the supermarket shelves for smaller suppliers. Consumers in all countries have traditionally been slow to change their food habits. However, an increasing number of consumers take an interest in products that meet certain high standards of ethical values (animal welfare, organic breeding, etc.). In order to get access to the market for products with such qualifications the Working Group concludes that it is important to have a system with objective labelling for such values which the consumers have confidence in. Moreover, consumers' access to objective and comparable information on food and food prices is important to ensure progress towards the best food competition standards in Europe. Access to the market also extends to entry of food products from abroad. Food production and sale are heavily regulated to protect consumers' health and welfare, and specific regulations in each country mean extra costs on imports from abroad. The sale of food is also regulated to protect the environment and such regulation has implication for the market access too. Each of the Nordic countries has established its own separate deposit and return system for the collection of empty bottles and cans for beverages which the suppliers must adapt to when exporting beverages to neighbouring countries. None of these systems, however, ensure the collection of empty containers imported from abroad by the consumers. For a fully integrated market the Working Group, therefore, concludes that initiatives allowing the exchange of deposits for cans and bottles among the countries are necessary. Footnotes 1 The deduction of price campaigns is only done for Denmark, see chapter 2.3. 2 There are, however, small but growing quotas for import without tariffs. 3 Still, there are no restrictions on the import of processed agricultural foodstuffs and products that are not produced domestically. Hence, the national import regimes explain the high prices on products subject to import restrictions, but not on all products. 4 Price developments in Denmark, Finland and Sweden have been close to the Nordic average, whereas the rate of price increases has been somewhat faster in Iceland and slower in Norway. 5 See chapter 2.4. 6 See chapter 2.4. 7 In the present investigation “an artificial average supermarket” is calculated for each country as an average of the results from the supermarkets, hypermarkets and discount markets in the country in question weighted with their national market shares. 8 Non alcoholic and alcoholic beverages where alcoholic beverages include beverages with up to 2.25 % alc. (Iceland), 3.5 % alc. (Sweden), 4.5 % alc. (Norway) and 4.7 % alc. (Finland). 9 Study conducted by the Federation of Norwegian Agricultural Cooperation, 2005, cf. chapter 2.4. 10 All kinds of stores – exclusive kiosks, gas stations and speciality shops - where a household can buy all kinds of food and non food articles. 11 In this report hypermarkets are defined as supermarkets with a sales area of more than 2,500 m². 12 See chapter 4. 13 Chapter 4, table 4.6. 14 In capital chains (see box 4.1) the chain decide which products to buy for all members of the chain. In voluntary chains each member of the chain has some degree of freedom to choose from the assortment decided on by the chain. 15 It should be noted that the condition for market integration in between the Nordic countries differ widely. 16 See chapter 5. 17 Fishing industry included. 18 See chapter 6. 19 In the individual cases it is necessary to make a specific partitioning of markets, which can differ from case to case. Investigations of individual cases from the food markets have shown that today some geographical markets are larger than the national territories. As an example, in 1999 the European Commission reached the conclusion that production and sale of beef in Denmark was part of a market which was larger than the Danish territory. Where this is the case, the market shares in table 2 do not provide an accurate picture of the companies' market position on all market segments (see also chapter 6). 20 Cf. chapter 5. 21 Interviews with large Danish retailers and own estimations. Version 1.0 December 2005 • © Danish Competition Authority. |
